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The CPP in Relation to Foreign Countries and Governments

In the process of waging the new democratic revolution through people’s war, our Party builds the people’s democratic government (organs of democratic power) and looks forward to seizing political power nationwide. We accumulate points under international law and the laws of war for the international diplomatic recognition of the status of belligerency of the people’s democratic government through the victories of the people’s war and the GRP-NDFP peace negotiations.

International recognition of the status of belligerency is important for enabling friendly governments to have relations with the people’s democratic government, without being effectively held liable for interfering in Philippine affairs. In this connection, the CPP aims to develop relations with the ruling parties in governments that are anti-imperialist, socialist or both.

The people’s democratic government has been established through the local organs of political power in the Philippines and recognized implicitly by the reactionary big comprador-landlord government. It can sign various kinds of contracts with other governments, without the latter becoming liable for interference or “exporting revolution” to the Philippines.

However, there is yet to be a government willing to establish diplomatic relations with the people’s democratic government led by our Party. We are still far from that situation where a foreign government could have diplomatic and trade relations with the revolutionary government exclusively or with both the revolutionary government and the reactionary government, as in the case of the opposing Confederate and Union governments in the American Civil War or in the case of the Chinese civil wars before and after World War II.

Our Party is acutely aware of the radically changed character of the Communist Party of China (CPC) since the second half of the 1970s and the radically changed situation in the world since the years 1989 to 1991, when the bipolar world of the Cold War came to an end, with the implosion of the Soviet Union and the US becoming the sole superpower amidst imperialist depredations, the all-round degradation and retrogression of countries formerly ruled by revisionist regimes and the further impoverishment and oppression of the people in the overwhelming majority of countries under neocolonial rule.

Our Party’s current situation differs sharply from that which obtained when our Party had close relations with the CPC during the cultural revolution and with the Vietnamese party during its war of national liberation against US aggression and when subsequently the CPP maintained a permanent Central Committee delegation in Beijing, China. Our permanent delegation had close relations with similar permanent delegations of Southeast Asian parties and met delegations from other countries and continents. The Dengists liquidated the delegations and aimed to liquidate all the revolutionary armed struggles in Southeast Asia in exchange for China’s accommodation by the US into the world capitalist system.

Our Party stands resolutely and militantly against US imperialism and other imperialist powers and such multilateral agencies as the IMF, World Bank and the WTO in the evil scheme of neocolonialism (subverting national independence through economic and financial leverage). In contrast, the CPC has pushed for the integration of China into the world capitalist system, changed the class character of the Chinese state, economy and culture and welcomed the neocolonial scheme. China’s long-running line of peace, stability and economic development for Asia has somehow caused the liquidation of armed revolutionary movements in nearly all Southeast Asian countries.

Our revolutionary forces and people resolutely oppose the US-led campaign for “neoliberal” globalization, while China and the CPC have welcomed it and relished membership in the WTO. We are watching closely how far China supports the US in trying under the pretext of the “war on terror” to suppress the Philippine revolution. So far, the Chinese authorities have kept silent on the US labelling the Filipino revolutionary forces as “terrorist.”

The US dual policy of engagement and containment vis a vis China continues to put principal stress on engagement. In history, the US has repeatedly reconsidered its friends as its enemies and taken actions against them, including brazen bullying, subversion, intervention and aggression, depending on what bigger advantages the US wishes to obtain. The US has never concealed its long-term objective of removing the CPC from power and wiping out any semblance of socialism. It also wants to prevail over the issues of Taiwan, arms procurements, finance, trade and so on.

Our Party keeps itself informed of developments in the worsening crisis of the US and world capitalist system. We consider the resurgence of anti-imperialist and socialist movements among the proletariat and the people to be important and necessary for the Philippine and world revolution. Thus, we have contributed our efforts to building the broadest possible anti-imperialist front based on the organized strength of the revolutionary masses, with the objective of taking advantage of the conflicts among the imperialist powers.

In our Party’s experience, the communist and workers’ parties that had been most warm and eager to have comradely relations are those truly motivated by the principles of proletarian revolution, proletarian class dictatorship and proletarian internationalism. These are the parties that have given moral and material support to people’s revolutionary struggles.

Our Party has always put stress on self-reliance. The foreign assistance that it has received since 1971 is hardly one per cent of total resources raised locally through fighting, taxation and production. Of course, such accounting does not include the priceless sacrifices of our revolutionary martyrs and heroes. We seek unconditional foreign assistance but we do not depend on it. Without it, we can still wage the revolutionary struggle. When we have it, we must be able to handle and absorb it properly.

Relations between the communist party of an avowed socialist country, no matter how powerful, do not necessarily make its Philippine counterpart revolutionary or help the Philippine revolution in any way. Take for example, the relations of the CPSU and the Lavaite revisionist group since the late 1960s. Both collaborated with the Marcos fascist dictatorship against our Party and the Filipino people. The Soviet Union even went to the extent of awarding Marcos with the medal of anti-fascist hero right on the eve of his overthrow by the people.

We oppose Philistinism and do not cozy up to any foreign party just because it is big, powerful or rich. The Lava revisionist group and the CPSU deserved each other, when the latter regarded the former as the sole vanguard party in the Philippines and the former regarded the latter as the vanguard party of the world revolution.

On anti-imperialist grounds, our Party pursues relations of anti-imperialist political solidarity with communist and noncommunist parties and organizations. For such purpose, we do not require relations on the ideological basis of Marxism-Leninism. Political relations of anti-imperialist solidarity are aimed at promoting the mass movement or preparing the diplomatic relations of the people’s democratic government. Our experience in conducting united front relations with noncommunist parties in the Philippines is significant. We have such experience too, on the international plane.

But in our experience in the period of 1986 to 1988, when we tried to establish political relations of anti-imperialist solidarity with parties that called themselves communist, the CPSU and some other parties demanded that we reverse our Marxist-Leninist position against modern revisionism and Soviet social imperialism, that we end the armed struggle and that we merge with the revisionist clique that had collaborated with the Marcos fascist regime. Our Party does not compromise any of its principles in seeking party-to-party relations. It always makes sure that its international policy does not confuse its rank and file and that it maintains its independence from other parties.

For purposes of promoting and developing anti-imperialist solidarity, the CPP does not have to be up front all the time. The National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) can relate with any party or organization abroad. It is also authorized by all revolutionary forces in the Philippines and the people’s democratic government to develop friendly relations with foreign governments, governmental agencies and ruling parties. The various patriotic and progressive organizations in the Philippines are also encouraged to seek partners abroad in people-to-people projects of cooperation.

In due time, the people’s democratic government in the Philippines will gain diplomatic recognition as a result of the arduous revolutionary struggle of the Filipino people and such revolutionary forces as the CPP, the NPA and the NDFP. We strive to raise higher the level of the people’s war, raise higher the flag of Red political power before the eyes of the world and contribute to the rise of the anti-imperialist and socialist movements and governments.

At present, US imperialism looks so powerful and acts so arrogantly and so brutally. But it has overreached and overextended itself. It is increasingly strained between trying to control the oil sources and supply routes in the Middle East and Central Asia on the one hand and paying direct attention to East Asia on the other hand. As the US sinks deeper and longer in a quagmire in Iraq or in the whole of the Middle East, the proletariat and people of China, North Korea, Philippines and other Asian countries will have better opportunities for advancing the struggle for national independence against the US imperialists and their puppets.

US strategic planners calculate that the US can use a broad spectrum of economic, financial, military and diplomatic instruments to isolate, weaken and eliminate any potential rival or recalcitrant state and dominate the whole world in the 21st century. They also calculate that they can decide the time and circumstances to use their high-tech weaponry for pre-emptive strikes and full-scale aggression. But US imperialism has also exposed its weaknesses in an all-round way to the people of the world as well as to countries that are wary of its extremely rapacious and aggressive character.

The ever worsening crisis of the US and world capitalist system has led to the escalation of imperialist plunder, state terrorism and wars of aggression that inflict terrible sufferings on the proletariat and the people of the world. But the same crisis generates the people’s resistance and the clamor for national liberation, democracy and socialism in the various countries and continents of the world.

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